Why did the peasants in the French western countryside revolt against the French Revolution?
Introduction
The French Revolution is commonly viewed as a victory for the French third estate in a protection of their human rights and the general will of society. Therefore, the counterrevolution revolts by those residing in the French countryside, may appear to be backwards thinking, or an advocation for their own oppression. Nevertheless, on must keep in mind the arbitrariness of the term “counterrevolution” defined by those in the Committee of Public Safety, and the political, religious, and economic reasons leading up to the revolts of Vendée. By examining those who did not fully support the course of the revolution, one can learn the possible shortcomings of the revolution. The counterrevolutionary measures in western France can be amounted to the lack of progression towards abolishing the feudal regime, the view that the revolution was attacking religion, and the geographic isolation of the peasants from the revolution.
Geography and Economics
The location of the most prominent counterrevolution activity took place in the countryside amongst the peasantry, and this is especially true for those living in the “bocage” regions of France. The bocage being “land south of the Loire, which is settled in relatively dispersed hamlets and isolated farms and is covered with small fields surrounded by high hedgerows,” (Tilly 22). It was within the bocage that the nobles had a much stronger influence over the peasants who worked their land. The bocage peasants differed from the peasants who resided in the “valley and plain” and the overall influence of the nobles were much weaker than in the bocage (Tilly 22). Additionally, those in the valley countryside found it considerably easier to cultivate the land, therefore, relying less on the upper classes compared to those in the bocage who needed more resources to tend to their farms. Economically it was harder to prosper in the bocage of western France, yet during the pre-revolutionary period the textile industry that the bocage relied heavily on, was suffering. “At Cholet, production was down 25 per cent in 1789...Artisan discontent with this situation broke out in demonstrations against the bourgeois...and other textile centers,” (Tilly 26). It was the opinion of these artisans that the revolution favored the advocation of rights for merchants rather than the peasants in the bocage. In response to their frustrations they retaliated with frequent and often violent insurrections against the revolution. Historian Charles Tilly claims that the geography and lack of representation within the headquarters of the revolution were biggest reasons for counterrevolution. Tilly writes that the peasants were not so much as “opposition to the regional and local patriot minority than in either a common ideology,” (Tilly 32). In other words, the peasants within the bocage felt frustration by their urban and revolutionary delegates not representing their interests.
Religion
Just as the geography of counterrevolution showed a disconnection towards the revolution headquarters in Paris, there was also a lack of understanding of the societal importance of the clergy for the French countryside by the leaders of the revolution. When examining the clergy during the old régime, in the Parisien basin there was a general decrease of members of the clergy, yet in the west it was much more stable. In addition, a significantly large number of clergy members in the west originated from the peasant class when compared to the parishes in urban cities (Tackett 724). Consequently, because of lower influence of the elites in the west, the wealthier peasant families took up the role leading to those families sending their sons to pursue a vocation in the church. As described by historian Timothy Tackett, a combination of elements including “economic wealth”, “priests’ local visibility”, and “close connections with rural elite family networks”, all contributed to the fact that the clergy had a “stronger rural-based presence and prestige than perhaps anywhere else in France,” (Tackett 727). Then with the onset of the Revolution, Paris passed the Civil Constitution of the Clergy, which placed members of the clergy as a public servant to France rather than to the church. As a result, the peasants in the west placed more pressure on the priests to reject the oath, viewing the new law as an attack on their religious believes rather than a preservation of their interests and rights. In other words, due to the growing unimportance of the church in Paris, it was easier for clergy members to accept the oath and become a “servant of mankind”, yet those in the west remained stubborn to not cease being a “servant of God” (Tackett 743). In essence, the peasants residing in western France saw their religious believes at risk with the progression of the Revolution, ultimately leading to a stronger counterrevolutionary stance.
Figure 1 depicts a very muscular man who participated in the counterrevolutionary movement in Vendée. Based on the portrait it can be interpreted that those who stood against the patriots were considered an icon, which is quite contradictory to how the counterrevolutionaries were normally viewed. The description translates to say, “A brave man, with the knowledge that the Chousans had attacked the patriots so close to the city”. Once again, this illustrates how the peasants believed that the Revolution was not favoring their interests, but the interests of other peasants and the bourgeois.
Fig.1 Le Maréchal ferrant de la Vendée (1795)
Held by Collection of the Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris France.
Politics
Perhaps the most efficient and effective way of examining the political views of the entire Third Estate, is the examination of the cahiers de doléances, where are written grievances sent Paris to be discussed amongst the Estates General in 1789. Of all the grievances written by peasants in the countryside, 42% were regarding taxes being abused and inefficient, and 36% regarding seigneurial rights (Markoff 1119). Unfortunately, most of the delegates in the Estates General were part of the bourgeois class who lived in urban cities, therefore were more concerned with grievances written by similar social classes, and for the rest of the revolution the peasants in western France did not find the government’s anti-seigneurial efforts progressive enough. In 1790, feudalism was abolished, stripping the nobles of their elite titles, nonetheless, peasant still had to make payments as indemnifications to their, now called, “proprietors” or “former lords” (Markoff 1122). Consequently, insurrections were rapidly rising in intensity and numbers, especially within western France. From 1788-189 70% of all insurrections took place in western France, and by the summer of 1789 the number of anti-seigneurial actions had increased by two and a half since before the elections (Markoff 1128). With these insurrections, political debate was common as the awareness of the development of the revolution became public knowledge. Ultimately, peasants took matters into their own hands and forced former lords to publicly renounce their rights as nobles. Which proved necessary, given the sly phrasing of the new laws by the Estates General, allowing some nobles to retain their benefits. It wasn’t until summer of 1793 that required payments made by peasants had been abolished, likely due to the 87% of insurrections being considered counterrevolutionary in the month of March (Markoff 1129). As one can observe through these statistics, majority of the counterrevolutionary measures were not necessarily “counterrevolutionary” but rather an attempt to further advance the progress of abolishing all aspects of the feudal regime.
Conclusion
By examining the grievances of the peasants and considering their conflicting societal differences due to their geographic location, one can better grasp the handle of the counterrevolutionary movement. Firstly, as the urban bourgeois gained more power in government during the revolution, more peasants in the bocage found their issues unrepresented in the Estates General. Furthermore, the joined disapproval with their new patriotic delegates who disregarded their economic tensions gave the peasants plenty of motive to begin insurrections. As such protests continued, the Legislative Assembly finally listened and concretely abolished the feudal system. At first glance, it may be confusing to understand the counterrevolutionary movement during France’s revolution in the 18th century. Yet but further analyzing their economic, political, and religious differences, one can think that their ‘counterrevolution” was necessarily “counterrevolutionary”. This can make historians wonder the true goals of the bourgeois class, who dominated the Legislative Assembly, and question the true advocators of the French Revolution.
Bibliography
Fig. 1, Copia, Jacques Louis and Sablet, François Jean, Le Maréchal ferrant de la Vendée, eau-forte, burin, coul., 1795, J.L., Copia, https://exhibits.stanford.edu/frenchrevolution/catalog/jh735mp4776.
Markoff, John. "Peasants Help Destroy an Old Regime and Defy a New One: Some Lessons from (and For) the Study of Social Movements." American Journal of Sociology 102, no. 4 (1997): 1113-142. Accessed April 25, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/2782028.
Tackett, Timothy. "The West in France in 1789: The Religious Factor in the Origins of the Counterrevolution." The Journal of Modern History 54, no. 4 (1982): 715-45. Accessed April 25, 2020. www.jstor.org/stable/1906018.
Tilly, Charles. "Some Problems in the History of the Vendée." The American Historical Review 67, no. 1 (1961): 19-33. Accessed April 25, 2020. doi:10.2307/1846259.